Despite the huge divide federally, bipartisanship on climate legislation is at long last increasingly becoming the norm in Australia – although some important policy disagreements still persist. 

In four states there is barely any difference between the two major parties, with both keen to see action on climate change and eager to reap the benefits of the transition to net zero. 

Even in the other two states, opposition parties have recently backed some important climate legislation, and their criticisms of other bills have mostly been somewhat muted.  

In NSW, the two major parties are pretty much in lockstep on climate change and on the need for a rapid transformation of the energy system. And to some extent the same is true of broader environmental legislation.

A good example is a major government environment Bill that passed in March, which included a potentially significant climate provision. It sailed through parliament in a week, with the support of the Opposition.

And last November, a climate bill cleared the state Parliament after the Opposition, along with the Greens, actually strengthened it to include a 2035 target. 

In South Australia, the Opposition enthusiastically supported legislation that makes it clear carbon farming projects can occur on pastoral leases, and it also happily supported amendments that pave the way for the state's EPA to be much more proactive on climate change. 

The South Australian Labor government is currently consulting on a draft Bill to strengthen the state's Climate Change Act, and it's fair to say that we can confidently expect the Bill – when it ultimately comes before state parliament – to receive Opposition support. 

In Western Australia, the Opposition supported a major overhaul of the state's electricity legislation, and is very likely to support the Climate Change Bill that is before state parliament, but yet to be debated.

The opposition has also supported a government CCS bill that is currently before parliament.

In Tasmania, the recent state election showed that on energy and climate policy there is very little difference between the two parties.

That leaves Victoria and Queensland. 

In Queensland, the LNP Opposition late last month took the remarkable step of supporting Labor's Clean Economy Jobs Bill. 

That bill will mandate an emissions reduction target of 75% on 2005 levels by 2035, and net-zero by 2050.

"Our decision to support the targets ... is significant and it has been carefully considered," Sam O'Connor, LNP environment spokesperson, told the state Parliament.

Yes, it was a different story on Labor's renewables Bill, which went through Parliament on the same day, with the LNP arguing that renewables targets should be reviewed every two years.

But even so, LNP energy spokesperson Deb Frecklington acknowledged the importance of Queensland's active involvement in the energy transition during parliamentary debate.

"We do not want to miss the once-in-a-generation chance to create new careers and keep our brightest kids in the bush," she said. "We do not want those energy careers going across the border or to another country."

Notably, the Queensland parliament last October did pass, on a bipartisan basis, the Gas Supply and Other Legislation (Hydrogen Industry Development) Amendment Bill, which expands the scope of legislation regulating the transport of petroleum and fossil gas to encompass hydrogen and other renewable gases. 

And if the LNP is supportive of the new emissions targets and of developing a hydrogen industry in the state, it will have to be supportive of a rapid build-out of the solar, wind, and transmission infrastructure required to make it happen, should it win this year's state election.

In Victoria, the Opposition ultimately didn't vote against the Labor government's Renewable Energy and Storage Targets Bill, which passed in March and introduces bold offshore wind and energy storage targets.  

However, the Opposition has signalled that it will attempt to revoke in the Legislative Council a government Planning Scheme Amendment that removes the right for opponents of renewable energy projects to make appeals to Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal.

The motion would need the support of most minor parties in order to succeed.

Shadow Minister for Energy, Affordability and Security, David Davis, said the government was "adopting a scorched earth policy, imposing wind and solar farms and long-distance high voltage transmission wires on communities without their approval or social licence".

The government ended the VCAT appeal right by bringing renewables projects into its Development Facilitation Program approvals pathway. The program has for some time prevented opponents of certain mining, manufacturing and agricultural projects from being able to launch VCAT appeals. But the Victorian Opposition hasn't objected to the application of the VCAT appeals ban to these sectors.

We have also yet to see the Opposition's attitude to bills currently before Parliament that aim to facilitate the offshore wind industry and the establishment of renewable energy zones. 

The Opposition might argue that legislation shouldn't pass. But it might also just focus on trying to tweak consultation and compensation aspects, which are important matters, but don't relate directly to the main goals of the legislation. 

It's important not to over-egg the level of consensus that is starting to emerge at the state level, simply because opposition parties haven't tried to vote bills down. Governments have to do more than just pass legislation. They also have to administer new laws enthusiastically, and they need to provide funding and firm guidance.

In other words, the only true test is how political parties behave when they are in power. 

In addition, and importantly, many state opposition politicians are finding it hard to resist stirring the pot on transmission infrastructure. (Federally, the Opposition is also itching to get up a Senate committee inquiry into transmission infrastructure). 

Nevertheless, the take home message from what's been occurring in the states is this. State politicians in both major parties now understand that the future economic wellbeing of their jurisdictions is tied to a rapid transformation of their energy systems. 

And increasingly, on both sides of the aisle, they are keen to do what it takes to make that happen.